Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi speaks to the media on Feb. 8 after her Liberal Democratic Party scored a landslide victory in the Lower House election. (Takeshi Iwashita)

EDITORIAL: Takaichi should not push policy that could split nation in two

（社説）自民圧勝　高市政権継続へ　国論二分せぬ合意形成こそ

Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi will continue in office after the landslide win by her Liberal Democratic Party, which captured more than 310 seats, which represents two-thirds of the total in the Lower House.

In the extremely short Lower House election campaign held in the middle of winter, the ruling coalition of the LDP and Nippon Ishin (Japan Innovation Party) garnered 352 seats.

The Centrist Reform Alliance (Chudo), which proclaimed a centrist stance to counter the strong right-wing leaning of the Takaichi administration, suffered a crushing defeat, winning less than half of the seats it held before the election.

Chudo’s co-leaders, Yoshihiko Noda and Tetsuo Saito, have indicated their intention to resign to take responsibility. 

With a drastic reversal in the strengths of the ruling and opposition parties in the Lower House, Takaichi is expected to push forward with realizing policies that could divide national opinion.

■NOT A ‘BLANK CHECK’

But the landslide victory does not mean the voters have given carte blanche.

That is even more true because Takaichi continued to avoid offering specific explanations about the policies that she wants to implement.

It is the responsibility of the leader of a nation to make efforts to form an agreement so that national opinion is not split in two.

Social division will only increase if the force of numbers is used to strongly push forward.

The Lower House election began with the surprise dissolution of the Lower House at the very start of the Diet session while delaying passage by the end of March of the new fiscal year budget that directly affects the lives of the people.

The campaign was held while parts of the Sea of Japan side faced record snowfall and students were taking entrance exams.

The sudden nature of the election meant some overseas voters could not cast ballots so there are doubts as to whether an equal voting opportunity that is important to legitimize an election was sufficiently secured.

Takaichi cannot be said to have adequately presented to voters materials to help them make an informed decision.

While she said the election would be about whether course change was needed for important policy, she was ambiguous about the contents of that policy.

She indicated she wanted to implement a consumption tax cut within fiscal 2026, going beyond the LDP party platform. But in her campaign speeches, she said nothing about that move.

The same can be said for the planned increase in defense spending and a proposed anti-spying law.

After not participating in a debate of party leaders broadcast on Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK) due to worsening of her chronic rheumatoid arthritis, no move was made to hold another such debate.

The election result may have been in line with Takaichi’s intention to solidify her government foundation by using the high support rating for her Cabinet to make the election a popularity contest among party leaders rather than a policy debate.

However, it would be problematic if she got the mistaken impression that she was entrusted to do whatever she wanted, including with policy she did not talk about.

■NO CHANGE IN IMPORTANCE OF MATURE DEBATE

The election was held while domestically there was no stopping of the falling birthrate and graying of the population, while overseas the United States is further strengthening its tendency to depend more on force.

Debate was needed on the course of the nation from a mid/long term perspective on such issues as securing sustainability for the fiscal condition and social security and rebuilding the international order.

Instead, with the exception of Team Mirai, all the other parties engaged in a short-term appeal to voters by proposing a consumption tax cut without giving a convincing explanation for securing sufficient revenues to cover it.

Although the ruling coalition still does not have a majority in the Upper House, it will undoubtedly accelerate the pace of implementing policy by gaining the cooperation of some opposition parties and using its overwhelming majority in the Lower House, which it will say represents the most recent public will.

The LDP’s party platform and its coalition agreement with Nippon Ishin contains reform proposals that will fundamentally change the nature of Japan, which has continued for 80 years after the end of World War II.

The proposals include revising three national security documents by year-end, eliminating restrictions on weapons exports, enacting an anti-spying law, creating a new crime for desecrating the national flag, restoring the rank names used by the Imperial Japanese military, partially nationalizing military arms factories and working on constitutional revision, including the pacifist Article 9.

Such themes could very easily divide national opinion, so the government should not just push forward toward the conclusion it desires.

During the campaign, Takaichi expressed dissatisfaction that opposition parties controlled such important Diet posts as the chairmanship of the Lower House Budget Committee and the Constitution Commission.

The LDP secured an absolute stable majority by itself, allowing it to take the initiative in Diet management. Moreover, it gained more than two-thirds of the Lower House seats.

Even if legislation is voted down in the Upper House, it can go before the Lower House again and pass the bills with such a majority.

There could be an egregious downplaying of the Diet if the government pushes ahead with Diet deliberations and votes as it wants.

After the coalition under former Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba fell into a minority in the Diet, even ruling party lawmakers said that mature debate was important. That stance should not be made a thing of the past.

■CAN CHUDO MAINTAIN UNITY?

The LDP officially endorsed or placed simultaneously on the proportional representation ballot lawmakers involved in a money scandal as if to say the matter was over.

Such lawmakers cannot be said to have fulfilled their responsibility just because they were elected thanks to the popularity of the prime minister.

Also not resolved are the ties between LDP lawmakers and the former Unification Church, now known as the Family Federation for World Peace and Unification.

Those named in internal church documents must respond to the new doubts that have been raised.

Chudo, which was created through the merger of Lower House members of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan and Komeito, has been pushed to the brink as many CDP executives and senior lawmakers went down to defeat in the single-seat districts.

It was not likely just a matter of not having the new party name widely recognized by voters because of the short campaign.

Two parties that faced off under the Ishiba administration on separate ruling and opposition sides suddenly joined together. It was unable to bring together their supporters due partly to a review by the CDP about its past stances on national security and energy policy.

Chudo was also unable to tap into the expectations of unaffiliated voters as an alternative to the Takaichi administration.

If the strength of the ruling coalition becomes greater, the role of the opposition to check it becomes even more important.

The true value of gathering under the Chudo banner will now be called into question as it tries to rebuild the party structure and maintain unity.

--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 9

真冬の超短期決戦となった衆院選は、自民党が単独で３分の２の３１０議席を超えた。結党以来最多となる圧勝で、高市首相の続投が事実上決まった。右派色の強い高市政権に「中道」を掲げて挑んだ中道改革連合は半減以下の惨敗。野田佳彦、斉藤鉄夫両共同代表は辞任する意向を示した。衆院で与野党の勢力が大きく逆転したことで、首相は「国論を二分するような政策」の実現に突き進むとみられる。

■「白紙委任」ではない
　だが、そもそも選挙戦の勝利は、有権者の「白紙委任」を意味しない。首相が政策の中身の具体的な説明から逃げ続けていたのだから、なおさらだ。国論が二分しないよう、丁寧な合意形成に努めるのが一国の指導者の責務である。「数の力」で強引に進めれば、社会の分断を助長するだけだ。
　今回の選挙は、国民生活に直結する新年度予算案の年度内成立を後回しにした、通常国会冒頭での「奇襲解散」で始まった。日本海側を中心に記録的な大雪が続き、受験シーズンとも重なった。急な選挙で、在外投票が間に合わなかった人もいる。選挙の正統性を担保する「投票機会の平等」が十分に確保されたといえるだろうか。
　首相が有権者に十分な判断材料を示したともいえない。「重要な政策転換」の是非を問うと言いながら、その中身はあいまいなまま。消費減税について、党の公約より踏み込んで２０２６年度内の実現をめざす考えを示したが、選挙遊説では一切語らなかった。防衛費の増額やスパイ防止法についてもしかりだ。各党の党首が参加するＮＨＫの討論番組を、持病の関節リウマチの悪化を理由に欠席した後も、代わりの機会を設けることはなかった。
　高い内閣支持率を背景に、政策論争よりも党首の「人気投票」に持ち込んで、自らの権力基盤を固めたいという首相の思惑通りの結果かもしれないが、「語らぬ」政策を含め一任を取り付けたと勘違いされては困る。

■「熟議」の意義変わらず
　内にあっては少子高齢化に歯止めがかからず、外にあってはトランプ米政権が力への傾斜を一層強める中での選挙だった。財政や社会保障の持続性の確保、国際秩序の立て直しなど、中長期的な視点に立った国の針路をめぐる議論が求められた。しかし、チームみらいを除く全党が、説得力のある財源確保策なしに消費減税を掲げるなど、与野党を通じて、有権者への目先のアピール合戦にとどまった。
　与党はなお参院では過半数に達しないものの、「直近の民意」を受けた衆院の圧倒的多数を盾に、一部野党の協力を求めながら、政策の実現に向けアクセルを踏むことは間違いない。
　自民の公約や日本維新の会との連立政権合意書には、安保３文書の年内改定や武器輸出の規制の撤廃、スパイ防止法の制定、国旗損壊罪の創設、旧軍の階級呼称の復活、軍需工場の一部国営化など、戦後８０年続いたこの国のかたちを根本から変えるような「改革」がずらりと並ぶ。憲法改正の発議に必要な３分の２を衆院で確保したことで、改憲への取り組みを強める可能性もある。まさに国論を二分するテーマばかりであり、結論ありきで推し進めることは許されない。
　首相は選挙中、衆院の予算委員長や憲法審査会長などの重要ポストを野党側に握られたことに不満を示していた。今回、自民は単独で、国会運営の主導権を完全に握れる絶対安定多数を得たうえ、３分の２を確保した。法案を参院で否決されても、衆院で再可決して成立させることが可能となる。審議も採決も政権の思い通りに運ぶなら、国会軽視もはなはだしい。石破前政権が少数与党に陥った後、与党からも重要性が叫ばれた「熟議」を過去のものにしてはいけない。

■「中道」は結束を保てるか
　自民は今回、裏金問題は終わったとばかりに、関係した議員を公認したり、重複立候補を認めたりした。首相の人気に乗じて当選を果たしたからといって、「けじめ」をつけたことにはならない。世界平和統一家庭連合（旧統一教会）との関係をめぐる問題も終わっていない。教団の内部文書で明らかになった新たな疑問に対し、きちんと答えてもらわねばならない。
　立憲民主党と公明党の衆院議員が合流した中道は、立憲出身の幹部や重鎮が小選挙区で軒並み落選するなど、早くも瀬戸際に追い込まれた。
　短期決戦で党名を浸透させられなかっただけではあるまい。石破前政権まで与野党に分かれて厳しく対峙（たいじ）していた両党が、急にひとつになったことや、立憲が安全保障やエネルギー政策でこれまでの主張を見直したことなどで、従来の支持層を糾合できず、高市政権に代わる選択肢として、無党派層の期待を集めることもできなかった。
　与党の勢力が大きくなるなら、それをチェックする野党の役割は重大だ。党の態勢を立て直し、結束を維持できるか。中道の旗の下に結集した真価が問われるのはここからだ。

(2026年2月9日)